A New World Begins: The History of the French Revolution Jeremy D. Popkin 2019

 A New World Begins: The History of the French Revolution by Jeremy D. Popkin | Goodreads


After my introduction into the French Revolution via Madame de Stael, I tracked down a title that could give me a more general overview of the events French Revolution. This edition was published recently, which I find important. Reexamination of records, memoirs, and publications by fresh eyes is what history is. What lessons do we take from the past? Which lessons are relevant to the era we’re living in.

 Where does one start the start of the story of the French Revolution? I recently heard the term extinction burst; the existing societal order is lashing out amidst it’s death throws caused by its inability to adapt to the needs of the governed society. It no longer functions in its mandate of stability and order for the larger population. The administrative and governmental apparatus has degenerated into benefiting a small population of elites at the apex of society at the expense of everyone and everything else. Extinction burst is the application of raw violence by the administrative state to remain relevant and maintain control when all other justification for state sanctioned violence has failed.

 The failure of aristocratic Europe. I’ll often go into the exploration of a new subject with my preconceived notions of what I’ll find. I want to see institutions I disapprove of crumble and fail under the weight of their own hubris and incompetence. The France of Louis XVI was an absolute monarchy in the strictest sense of the word. In strict I mean that it was a dysfunctional concept in a world growing and changing quickly. In England, the Reformation and the English Civil War had resulted in the establishment of Parliament and enfranchisement of some of the population. An upper and lower house that established a forum for a ‘democracy’ to take place, but the landed aristocracy was still firmly in control. The existence of class and a division of society based on birth wasn't questioned. It was how much privilege each class could exercise over each other. In the case of Great Britian, the powerful bourgeois class had established a need for a voice and the aristocracy relinquished. It was the turn of France to evolve or perish.

 

At the start of the revolution, French society was structured into three estates: the Nobles, The Clergy and the Third Estate. The Third Estate included the artisans, the itinerant labor, and the peasants that worked agriculture. The first two had privilege, the third paid for it and in return received permission for their continued existence. It was a typical feudal structure with the tenant farming peasants and the absentee lord with the Catholic Church acting as the binding force between the two. The cities were growing, developing markets and shops with all the demands of a sophisticated society and the wealth of the bourgeois class exploded. They were the mercantile, production and professional class. The world was generating vast amounts of wealth and from this wealth and globalism grew the Enlightenment.

 

The Enlightenment. The more I understand it, the less impressed I am with its profoundness. These great thinkers and writers laid out the basis for our modern democracies, economies and culture. As I read through some of their writings and analysis, I’m struck with how superfluous it is. All this profound thought is either stuff you should have learned in kindergarten or is demonstrably wrong. For me, the message is that what’s wrong with society can’t be solved with violence or religion but with vibes. All you need is love. I think. I also think the Enlightenment was just an obvious outcome of the Protestant Reformation. Central to that message was there shouldn’t be institutions between an individual and God’s salvation. Central to the Enlightenment was there needn’t be a God between an individual and their personal salvation. Both statements are a refutation of a legitimacy of rule based upon divine right. The French Catholic Church had remained the central and state religion after the Reformation but relations between the Pope and the King remained problematic.

 

I will concede that the Industrial Revolution was founded on Enlightenment ideas. Modernity would not have been possible without the evolution of philosophy that rejected the superstition of religion and substituted the individual’s experience of reality. At the time of the Revolution, this “reality” was experienced through feelings and perceptions and other thought experiments that concluded that individuals needed to have a say in their destiny. People gathered socially in clubs and cafés exchanging ideas and diagnosing society’s ills. Like minded people chartered societies dedicated to addressing the issues. They had debates, introduced proposals and then published their conclusions. Publishing their conclusions so everyone could read it. I mean literacy was a thing and while I hesitate to claim that it had reached majority in the population, it was storming the gates. Information was disseminated to a public that could consume it, understand it, and assess how it affected their lives directly. The people needed a voice and a say in their lives and examples were moving forward with success throughout Europe. They asked for reform of the absolutism of the monarchy and modelled these reforms on what had occurred in England. The intransigence of the nobles to concede any of their privilege is mind boggling. Add several bad harvests, food shortages, a near bankrupt government, a completely inept and ineffectual Monarchal rule topped off by a population of 25 million having to read about it daily and you have a fair description of the situation as revolution approached.  

 

The French Revolution was inevitable in its need to bring some kind of institutional reform to the French government. It was impossible for things to remain as they were. The scale of the violence and bloodshed that followed was a basic failure of communication. This idea of reform and inclusion was proposed and advocated by that newly minted bourgeois class of professionals that sat in the ministries, financed the kingdom’s debts, and held the political patronage positions. They had achieved personal wealth and power and now wished to have that achievement recognized and rewarded. As the Bastille was stormed and the Monarchy fell, these intellectuals recognized that it the mob was demanding all men and women are created equal. Equal representation for all the people and universal suffrage. They would form a National Assembly and write a constitution. And remove the church from government (they’re always taking it on the chin). Assemblies gathered and proclamations were made. Crowds gathered and militias formed. Violence and death rolled across the land. The aristocracy was dispatched. Control was had by the revolutionaries and the mob waited. Nothing happened. Or nothing happened fast enough. And then another bad harvest. And then the food ran out. And the guys that had taken charge didn’t have a plan. They had a National Assembly and were debating the issues. They had some emergency-temporary-dictator-revolving-something security administration that was trying to implement the decries and instructions but, in the end, it was just a more violence and mess. I won’t dwell on the progression of events or the examples of barbarity, well known.

 

Communication was the problem. The intellectual elites who had provided the ideological basis for this notion of personal freedom and democratic representation hadn’t been specific enough in whom they were including as people that needed this representation. Their efforts at reform of the aristocracy was an effort at inclusion not an assault on the principle of exclusion. It was not an effort to destroy a class system of privilege; it was an effort to have this new bourgeois extended the same rights and privileges as the nobles (the Catholics still had to go). The guilds, artisans and shopkeepers, were not to be included. There was an admission that all men were created equal, but some were more equal than others.

 

After ten years of debate, several versions of a constitution were produced, but none were fully implemented, I think. It had narrowed significantly from the starting egalitarian idealism. Property owners were to be enfranchised; they had a motive for good government. Non property owners were not. Slavery was off the table, because, ya know, slave owners. The peasants would be represented although not released from their feudal responsibilities or dues, the vassal lord needed compensation for the loss incurred for land redistribution. It was a mess, and this was the compromise after ten years of bloodshed and terror. The politicians, provocateurs, and propagandists that had ignited “the mob” had no idea of how to deliver on the promises. There's really no good way to summarize any of it. The glaring problem was that there wasn't a great deal of consideration given to the opinion of the peasants. The majority of the population were the farm workers and peasants that was the agricultural and economic backbone of France. It was decided for them that they were to have a voice in the new nation but not a say. There were also the problems of slavery and women, these portions of the revolution were quietly shelved.

 

The book was a review of the events of the French Revolution. It wasn't really any kind analysis of why the revolution happened or a critique of the decisions that made the revolution eventually fail. The author has created a summation of the events of the Revolution. All the players, the circumstances and the events that caused the mob in Paris to attack the Bastille that started the Revolution, through the declaration of Napoleon as dictator and the end of the First Republic. I did not know that the Revolution had been a failure. I did not know that Napoleon was some kind of anti-hero savior. At the end of the book I had to step back and reexamine not only my expectations of the book but of the French Revolution in general. I'm struck with how much naivete I approached it with. There was a desire to find radical and lasting change in one of the democratic revolutions of the past. To find an example where the people destroyed the ruling class and lived happily ever after.  


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